Describe U.S. major military alliance relationships as identified in the text. How have these alliances—specifically, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)—played a role in shaping the post–Cold War environment and recent conflict engagements?
What will be an ideal response?
Answers should identify and describe NATO, the Rio Treaty with Latin American states, the alliance with Australia and New Zealand, formal alliances with individual states such as Japan and South Korea, and other informal security arrangements. Answers should discuss how these alliances reflect past U.S. commitments while foreshadowing potential future military interventions. Answers should also detail NATO’s leadership role in the ISAF mission in Afghanistan, as well as its membership expansion to include formerly adversarial Soviet states and the establishment of the rapid reaction force to respond to contemporary threats such as Russian aggression.
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Today, voter turnout in midterm national elections has
A. averaged below 50 percent. B. increased compared to the 1800s. C. stayed about the same compared to the mid-1900s. D. ranged between 65 percent and 80 percent. E. averaged below 25 percent.
According to the text, a common critique of liberalism is that
a. international institutions are ineffective. b. states are the primary level of analysis. c. it places too much emphasis on moral rationales. d. Both options a and c are true. e. All of the above are true.
In power elite view, which leaders control politics?
A. Top military officials B. Labor union leaders C. Mass media executives D. The heads of special-interest groups E. All of these are correct.
In the context of political identity, Karl Marx's ideology differs from Max Weber's ideology, in that Karl Marx's ideology states that ________
A. an individual's political identity is rooted in his or her economic position in society B. economic classes are not communities in the usual sense of the word C. people from different economic classes could have the same political identity D. most forms of political identity are not rooted in economic interests E. noneconomic forms of identity can serve as powerful engines of political mobilization